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Route 44 Toyota Sold Me A Lemon

Monday, February 20, 2017

Don't Dismiss President Trump's Attacks on the Media as Mere Stupidity

President Trump Holds Joint Press Conference With Japanese PM Shinzo Abe
President Trump stands during a joint press conference with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe at the White House on Feb. 10, 2017 in Washington, DC.  Mario Tama—Getty Images

Don't Dismiss President Trump's Attacks on the Media as Mere Stupidity

Bret Stephens

Feb 18, 2017

Bret Stephens writes the foreign-affairs column of theWall Street Journal, for which he won the 2013 Pulitzer Prize for commentary.

Bret Stephens delivered the Daniel Pearl Memorial Lecture this week at the University of California, Los Angeles. Read the full text of his remarks below:

I’m profoundly honored to have this opportunity to celebrate the legacy of Danny Pearl, my colleague at The Wall Street Journal.

My topic this evening is intellectual integrity in the age of Donald Trump. I suspect this is a theme that would have resonated with Danny.

When you work at The Wall Street Journal, the coins of the realm are truth and trust — the latter flowing exclusively from the former. When you read a story in the Journal, you do so with the assurance that immense reportorial and editorial effort has been expended to ensure that what you read is factual.

Not probably factual. Not partially factual. Not alternatively factual. I mean fundamentally, comprehensively and exclusively factual. And therefore trustworthy.

This is how we operate. This is how Danny operated. This is how he died, losing his life in an effort to nail down a story.

In the 15 years since Danny’s death, the list of murdered journalists has grown long.

Paul Klebnikov and Anna Politkovskaya in Russia.

Zahra Kazemi and Sattar Behesti in Iran.

Jim Foley and Steve Sotloff in Syria.

Five journalists in Turkey. Twenty-six in Mexico. More than 100 in Iraq.

When we honor Danny, we honor them, too.

We do more than that.

We honor the central idea of journalism — the conviction, as my old boss Peter Kann once said, “that facts are facts; that they are ascertainable through honest, open-minded and diligent reporting; that truth is attainable by laying fact upon fact, much like the construction of a cathedral; and that truth is not merely in the eye of the beholder.”

And we honor the responsibility to separate truth from falsehood, which is never more important than when powerful people insist that falsehoods are truths, or that there is no such thing as truth to begin with.

So that’s the business we’re in: the business of journalism. Or, as the 45th president of the United States likes to call us, the“disgusting and corrupt media.”

Some of you may have noticed that we’re living through a period in which the executive branch of government is engaged in a systematic effort to create a climate of opinion against the news business.

The President routinely describes reporting he dislikes as FAKE NEWS. The Administration calls the press “the opposition party,” ridicules news organizations it doesn’t like as business failures, and calls for journalists to be fired. Mr. Trump has called for rewriting libel laws in order to more easily sue the press. *****

This isn’t unprecedented in U.S. history, though you might have to go back to the Administration of John Adams to see something quite like it. And so far the rhetorical salvos haven’t been matched by legal or regulatory action. Maybe they never will be.

But the question of what Mr. Trump might yet do by political methods against the media matters a great deal less than what he is attempting to do by ideological and philosophical methods.

Ideologically, the president is trying to depose so-called mainstream media in favor of the media he likes — Breitbart News and the rest. Another way of making this point is to say that he’s trying to substitute news for propaganda, information for boosterism.

His objection to, say, the New York Times, isn’t that there’s a liberal bias in the paper that gets in the way of its objectivity, which I think would be a fair criticism. His objection is to objectivity itself. He’s perfectly happy for the media to be disgusting and corrupt — so long as it’s on his side.

But again, that’s not all the president is doing.

Consider this recent exchange he had with Bill O’Reilly. O’Reilly asks:

Is there any validity to the criticism of you that you say things that you can’t back up factually, and as the President you say there are three million illegal aliens who voted and you don’t have the data to back that up, some people are going to say that it’s irresponsible for the President to say that.

To which the president replies:

Many people have come out and said I’m right.

Now many people also say Jim Morrison faked his own death. Many people say Barack Obama was born in Kenya. “Many people say” is what’s known as an argumentum ad populum. If we were a nation of logicians, we would dismiss the argument as dumb.

We are not a nation of logicians.

I think it’s important not to dismiss the president’s reply simply as dumb. We ought to assume that it’s darkly brilliant — if not in intention than certainly in effect. The president is responding to aclaim of fact not by denying the fact, but by denying the claim that facts are supposed to have on an argument.

He isn’t telling O’Reilly that he’s got his facts wrong. He’s saying that, as far as he is concerned, facts, as most people understand the term, don’t matter: That they are indistinguishable from, and interchangeable with, opinion; and that statements of fact needn’t have any purchase against a man who is either sufficiently powerful to ignore them or sufficiently shameless to deny them — or, in his case, both.

If some of you in this room are students of political philosophy, you know where this argument originates. This is a version of Thrasymachus’s argument in Plato’s Republic that justice is the advantage of the stronger and that injustice “if it is on a large enough scale, is stronger, freer, and more masterly than justice.”

Substitute the words “truth” and “falsehood” for “justice” and “injustice,” and there you have the Trumpian view of the world. If I had to sum it up in a single sentence, it would be this: Truth is what you can get away with.

If you can sell condos by claiming your building is 90% occupied when it’s only 20% occupied, well, then—it’s 90% occupied. If you can convince a sufficient number of people that you really did win the popular vote, or that your inauguration crowds were the biggest—well then, what do the statistical data and aerial photographs matter?

Now, we could have some interesting conversations about why this is happening—and why it seems to be happening all of a sudden.

Today we have “dis-intermediating” technologies such as Twitter, which have cut out the media as the middleman between politicians and the public. Today, just 17% of adults aged 18-24 read a newspaper daily, down from 42% at the turn of the century. Today there are fewer than 33,000 full-time newsroom employees, a drop from 55,000 just 20 years ago.

When Trump attacks the news media, he’s kicking a wounded animal.

But the most interesting conversation is not about why Donald Trump lies. Many public figures lie, and he’s only a severe example of a common type.

The interesting conversation concerns how we come to accept those lies.

Nearly 25 years ago, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, the great scholar and Democratic Senator from New York, coined the phrase, “defining deviancy down.” His topic at the time was crime, and how American society had come to accept ever-increasing rates of violent crime as normal.

“We have been re-defining deviancy so as to exempt much conduct previously stigmatized, and also quietly raising the ‘normal’ level in categories where behavior is now abnormal by any earlier standard,” Moynihan wrote.

You can point to all sorts of ways in which this redefinition of deviancy has also been the story of our politics over the past 30 years, a story with a fully bipartisan set of villains.

I personally think we crossed a rubicon in the Clinton years, when three things happened: we decided that some types of presidential lies didn’t matter; we concluded that “character” was an over-rated consideration when it came to judging a president; and we allowed the lines between political culture and celebrity culture to become hopelessly blurred.

But whatever else one might say about President Clinton, what we have now is the crack-cocaine version of that.

If a public figure tells a whopping lie once in his life, it’ll haunt him into his grave. If he lies morning, noon and night, it will become almost impossible to remember any one particular lie. Outrage will fall victim to its own ubiquity. It’s the same truth contained in Stalin’s famous remark that the death of one man is a tragedy but the death of a million is a statistic.

One of the most interesting phenomena during the presidential campaign was waiting for Trump to say that one thing that would surely break the back of his candidacy.

Would it be his slander against Mexican immigrants? Or his slur about John McCain’s record as a POW? Or his lie about New Jersey Muslims celebrating 9/11? Or his attacks on Megyn Kelly, on a disabled New York Times reporter, on a Mexican-American judge? Would it be him tweeting quotations from Benito Mussolini, or his sly overtures to David Duke and the alt-right? Would it be his unwavering praise of Vladimir Putin? Would it be his refusal to release his tax returns, or the sham that seems to been perpetrated on the saps who signed up for his Trump U courses? Would it be the tape of him with Billy Bush?

None of this made the slightest difference. On the contrary, it helped him. Some people became desensitized by the never-ending assaults on what was once quaintly known as “human decency.” Others seemed to positively admire the comments as refreshing examples of personal authenticity and political incorrectness.

Shameless rhetoric will always find a receptive audience with shameless people. Donald Trump’s was the greatest political strip-tease act in U.S. political history: the dirtier he got, the more skin he showed, the more his core supporters liked it.

Abraham Lincoln, in his first inaugural address, called on Americans to summon “the better angels of our nature.” Donald Trump’s candidacy, and so far his presidency, has been Lincoln’s exhortation in reverse.

Here’s a simple truth about a politics of dishonesty, insult and scandal: It’s entertaining. Politics as we’ve had it for most of my life has, with just a few exceptions, been distant and dull.

Now it’s all we can talk about. If you like Trump, his presence in the White House is a daily extravaganza of sticking it to pompous elites and querulous reporters. If you hate Trump, you wake up every day with some fresh outrage to turn over in your head and text your friends about.

Whichever way, it’s exhilarating. Haven’t all of us noticed that everything feels speeded up, more vivid, more intense and consequential? One of the benefits of an alternative-facts administration is that fiction can take you anywhere.

Earlier today, at his press conference, the president claimed his administration is running like a “fine-tuned machine.” In actual fact, he just lost his Labor Secretary nominee, his National Security Adviser was forced out in disgrace, and the Intelligence Community is refusing to fully brief the president for fear he might compromise sources and methods.

But who cares? Since when in Washington has there been a presidential press conference like that? Since when has the denial of reality been taken to such a bald-faced extreme?

At some point, it becomes increasingly easy for people to mistake the reality of the performance for reality itself. If Trump can get through a press conference like that without showing a hint of embarrassment, remorse or misgiving—well, then, that becomes a new basis on which the president can now be judged.

To tell a lie is wrong. But to tell a lie with brass takes skill. Ultimately, Trump’s press conference will be judged not on some kind of Olympic point system, but on whether he “won”—which is to say, whether he brazened his way through it. And the answer to that is almost certainly yes.

So far, I’ve offered you three ideas about how it is that we have come to accept the president’s behavior.

The first is that we normalize it, simply by becoming inured to constant repetition of the same bad behavior.

The second is that at some level it excites and entertains us. By putting aside our usual moral filters—the ones that tell us that truth matters, that upright conduct matters, that things ought to be done in a certain way—we have been given tickets to a spectacle, in which all you want to do is watch.

And the third is that we adopt new metrics of judgment, in which politics becomes more about perceptions than performance—of how a given action is perceived as being perceived. If a reporter for the New York Times says that Trump’s press conference probably plays well in Peoria, then that increases the chances that it will play well in Peoria.

Let me add a fourth point here: our tendency to rationalize.

One of the more fascinating aspects of last year’s presidential campaign was the rise of a class of pundits I call the “TrumpXplainers.” For instance, Trump would give a speech or offer an answer in a debate that amounted to little more than a word jumble.

But rather than quote Trump, or point out that what he had said was grammatically and logically nonsensical, the TrumpXplainers would tell us what he had allegedly meant to say. They became our political semioticians, ascribing pattern and meaning to the rune-stones of Trump’s mind.

If Trump said he’d get Mexico to pay for his wall, you could count on someone to provide a complex tariff scheme to make good on the promise. If Trump said that we should not have gone into Iraq but that, once there, we should have “taken the oil,” we’d have a similarly high-flown explanation as to how we could engineer this theft.

A year ago, when he was trying to explain his idea of a foreign policy to the New York Times’s David Sanger, the reporter asked him whether it didn’t amount to a kind of “America First policy”—a reference to the isolationist and anti-Semitic America First Committee that tried to prevent U.S. entry into World War II. Trump clearly had never heard of the group, but he liked the phrase and made it his own. And that’s how we got the return of America First.

More recently, I came across this headline in the conservative Washington Times: “How Trump’s ‘disarray’ may be merely a strategy,” by Wesley Pruden, the paper’s former editor-in-chief. In his view, the president’s first disastrous month in office is, in fact, evidence of a refreshing openness to dissent, reminiscent of Washington and Lincoln’s cabinet of rivals. Sure.

Overall, the process is one in which explanation becomes rationalization, which in turn becomes justification. Trump says X. What he really means is Y. And while you might not like it, he’s giving voice to the angers and anxieties of Z. Who, by the way, you’re not allowed to question or criticize, because anxiety and anger are their own justifications these days.

Watching this process unfold has been particularly painful for me as a conservative columnist. I find myself in the awkward position of having recently become popular among some of my liberal peers—precisely because I haven’t changed my opinions about anything.

By contrast, I’ve become suddenly unpopular among some of my former fans on the right—again, because I’ve stuck to my views. It is almost amusing to be accused of suffering from something called “Trump Derangement Syndrome” simply because I feel an obligation to raise my voice against, say, the president suggesting a moral equivalency between the U.S. and Vladimir Putin’s Russia.

The most painful aspect of this has been to watch people I previously considered thoughtful and principled conservatives give themselves over to a species of illiberal politics from which I once thought they were immune.

In his 1953 masterpiece, “The Captive Mind,” the Polish poet and dissident Czeslaw Milosz analyzed the psychological and intellectual pathways through which some of his former colleagues in Poland’s post-war Communist regime allowed themselves to be converted into ardent Stalinists. In none of the cases that Milosz analyzed was coercion the main reason for the conversion.

They wanted to believe. They were willing to adapt. They thought they could do more good from the inside. They convinced themselves that their former principles didn’t fit with the march of history, or that to hold fast to one’s beliefs was a sign of priggishness and pig-headedness. They felt that to reject the new order of things was to relegate themselves to irrelevance and oblivion. They mocked their former friends who refused to join the new order as morally vain reactionaries. They convinced themselves that, brutal and capricious as Stalinism might be, it couldn’t possibly be worse than the exploitative capitalism of the West.

I fear we are witnessing a similar process unfold among many conservative intellectuals on the right. It has been stunning to watch a movement that once believed in the benefits of free trade and free enterprise merrily give itself over to a champion of protectionism whose economic instincts recall the corporatism of 1930s Italy or 1950s Argentina. It is no less stunning to watch people once mocked Obama for being too soft on Russia suddenly discover the virtues of Trump’s “pragmatism” on the subject.

And it is nothing short of amazing to watch the party of onetime moral majoritarians, who spent a decade fulminating about Bill Clinton’s sexual habits, suddenly find complete comfort with the idea that character and temperament are irrelevant qualifications for high office.

The mental pathways by which the new Trumpian conservatives have made their peace with their new political master aren’t so different from Milosz’s former colleagues.

There’s the same desperate desire for political influence; the same belief that Trump represents a historical force to which they ought to belong; the same willingness to bend or discard principles they once considered sacred; the same fear of seeming out-of-touch with the mood of the public; the same tendency to look the other way at comments or actions that they cannot possibly justify; the same belief that you do more good by joining than by opposing; the same Manichean belief that, if Hillary Clinton had been elected, the United States would have all-but ended as a country.

This is supposed to be the road of pragmatism, of turning lemons into lemonade. I would counter that it’s the road of ignominy, of hitching a ride with a drunk driver.

So, then, to the subject that bring me here today: Maintaining intellectual integrity in the age of Trump.

When Judea wrote me last summer to ask if I’d be this year’s speaker, I got my copy of Danny’s collected writings, “At Home in the World,” and began to read him all over again. It brought back to me the fact that, the reason we honor Danny’s memory isn’t that he’s a martyred journalist. It’s that he was a great journalist.

Let me show you what I mean. Here’s something Danny wrote in February 2001, almost exactly a year before his death, from the site of an earthquake disaster in the Indian town of Anjar.

What is India’s earthquake zone really like? It smells. It reeks. You can’t imagine the odor of several hundred bodies decaying for five days as search teams pick away at slabs of crumbled buildings in this town. Even if you’ve never smelled it before, the brain knows what it is, and orders you to get away. After a day, the nose gets stuffed up in self-defense. But the brain has registered the scent, and picks it up in innocent places: lip balm, sweet candy, stale breath, an airplane seat.

What stands out for me in this passage is that it shows that Danny was a writer who observed with all his senses. He saw. He listened. He smelled. He bore down. He reflected. He understood that what the reader had to know about Anjar wasn’t a collection of statistics; it was the visceral reality of a massive human tragedy. And he was able to express all this in language that was compact, unadorned, compelling and deeply true.

George Orwell wrote, “To see what is in front of one’s nose needs a constant struggle.” Danny saw what was in front of his nose.

We each have our obligations to see what’s in front of one’s nose, whether we’re reporters, columnists, or anything else. This is the essence of intellectual integrity.

Not to look around, or beyond, or away from the facts, but to look straight at them, to recognize and call them for what they are, nothing more or less. To see things as they are before we re-interpret them into what we’d like them to be. To believe in an epistemology that can distinguish between truth and falsity, facts and opinions, evidence and wishes. To defend habits of mind and institutions of society, above all a free press, which preserve that epistemology. To hold fast to a set of intellectual standards and moral convictions that won’t waver amid changes of political fashion or tides of unfavorable opinion. To speak the truth irrespective of what it means for our popularity or influence.

The legacy of Danny Pearl is that he died for this. We are being asked to do much less. We have no excuse not to do it.

Thank you.

Sad for my country that the level of poor education and ignorance defined this Clown.

IT IS JUST A MATTER OF TIME before he is taken out by his own people/party..

Less than a month since Donald Trump took office, a former Republican
 judge is calling for the US president to be hastily impeached.  Writing for,…

IF BY NOW you don't get it that #45 is way out of his league and is a serious threat to all of us, then you are in serious denial...

Forget the ruination of life on the planet. We need to stop Trump.

After a week of limited coverage of “unimaginable levels” of 
radiation inside the remains of collapsed Unit 2 at Fukushima 
(see below), report…

RSN: George Lakoff | #ProtectTheTruth, Chaos in the White House: 'There's Never Been Anything Like This'

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George Lakoff | #ProtectTheTruth 
George Lakoff, 2012. (photo: Wikimedia Commons) 
George Lakoff, George Lakoff's Website 
Lakoff writes: "The important frame here is Truth. Donald Trump despises journalists because the duty of a good journalist is to tell the truth and inform the public. Trump doesn't like the truth - or an informed public - because the success of his anti-democratic agenda depends on lies and distractions." 
Immigration Is Our Wake-Up Call 
Editorial | Detroit Free Press 
Excerpt: "Any effort to remove the nation's undocumented immigrants by force would be cruel, prohibitively expensive and devastating to this country's centuries-long reputation as a haven for those fleeing persecution or poverty in their native lands. But in just a month, such an action has begun to seem frighteningly possible." 
Chaos in the White House: 'There's Never Been Anything Like This' 
David Smith and Ben Jacobs, Guardian UK 
Excerpt: "'We appear to have a president who cannot distinguish chaos from order. There are amateurs doing a job that only professionals can do, and even then often not successfully.'" 
Aide Says Senators Want Materials Saved for Russia Probe 
Deb Riechmann and Eileen Sullivan, Associated Press 
Excerpt: "The Senate Intelligence Committee has sent formal requests to more than a dozen organizations, agencies and individuals, asking them to preserve all materials related to the committee's investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election and related issues, according to a congressional aide." 
Democrats Seek to Quell Trump Impeachment Talk 
Gabriel Debenedetti, Politico 
Debenedetti writes: "They call it the 'I' word. Just a month into Donald Trump's presidency, Democratic Party leaders are trying to rein in the talk of impeachment that's animating the grass roots, the product of a restive base demanding deeper and more aggressive investigations into Trump's ties to Russia." 
Ecuador Decides Whether to Extend Left Government or Turn to Right 
Excerpt: "Nearly 13 million Ecuadoreans are expected to go to the polls Sunday to vote in a key election for a new president and National Assembly, as well as a referendum on tax havens, in an ballot that will decide whether the country will stay on its left-wing path for another term or follow other South American countries in making a turn to the right after years of progressive governments." 
4 Pipeline Fights Intensify as Dakota Access Nears Completion 
Alleen Brown, The Intercept 
Brown writes: "Under orders from President Donald Trump, the Army Corps of Engineers on February 7 approved a final easement allowing Energy Transfer Partners to drill under the Missouri River near the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation in North Dakota. Construction has restarted, and lawyers for the company say it could take as little as 30 days for oil to flow through the Dakota Access pipeline." 

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Sunday, February 19, 2017

RSN: Juan Cole | Trump Invents Sweden Terror Attack, Lies About Immigrant Crime

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FOCUS: Juan Cole | Trump Invents Sweden Terror Attack, Lies About Immigrant Crime 
Donald Trump's Florida rally. (photo: Joe Raedle/Getty Images) 
Juan Cole, Informed Comment 
Cole writes: "Trump made up another alleged terrorist attack at his rally on Saturday, this one about a figment of his imagination that did not actually take place in Sweden on Friday night." 

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Sweden releases photo of Terrorist Suspect!

Photo of Sweden Terrorist Suspect released.....
Janis Ian
From Neil Macdougall on Twitter, BREAKING NEWS. Swedish police have
released picture of the man sought in the Swedish terror attack Trump referred to.#lastnightinsweden #swedenincident #TrumpRally #presidentinyhands

my big brother's no psychiatrist, but he knows sick when he sees it!
President Donald Trump is anot what I understand and define to be 
“sane”: accepting that certain manifestations of reality are irrefutable.

Is Donald Trump sane? The evidence suggests he’s not


Three weeks into the new presidential administration, many of us are overwhelmed by the constant barrage of bizarre and, frankly, incomprehensible “scandals” and controversies that have emanated from the White House.
I am not talking about the ban on visitors from seven Islamic countries, the building of a wall between the U.S. and Mexico, or the appointment of executive branch agency heads who are devoted to abolishing them.
No, I am talking about the far more troubling string of statements issued by the president of the United States, whether in the form of middle-of-the-night tweets or in televised interviews and other public settings, in which easily proven facts are simply misrepresented or contradicted by absolute and unambiguous untruths, a.k.a. “lies”:  that there were 1.3 million people on the National Mall for the inauguration, that it was the most widely viewed inauguration in U.S. history, and that 3 million illegal immigrants unlawfully cast their vote on Nov. 8, apparently all of them voting for Hillary Clinton, that busloads of Massachusetts residents rolled into New Hampshire to cast illegal votes, or that the American crime rate is the highest it’s been in 45 years.
This is not funny stuff.  It is deadly serious.  What these statements, and others like them (both during the campaign and since Jan. 20) demonstrate is that the president of the United States is not sane.  Read that again, slowly: The president of the United States is not sane.
Now, this may strike many of you as an outlandish, partisan attack on a man with whose policies or positions I disagree.  It’s not.  I disagree with the policies and positions of Mitch McConnell, Paul Ryan, Mike Pence and many other prominent conservative Republicans.  But I would not assert that any one of those men — nor George W. Bush, Stephen Bannon or Karl Rove — is not sane.  They all are completely sane — they accept that certain facts are facts, and that merely because you want something to be true does not make it so.
So, how do I reach my conclusion that the president of the United States is not sane?   I have no psychological training or expertise of any kind.  I am applying my own lay understanding of what it means to be sane.
I’m not saying Trump is “incapable of forming an opinion distinguishing right from wrong.”  He’s not insane. But he’s also not what I understand and define to be “sane”:  accepting that certain manifestations of reality are irrefutable (e.g., that the sun rises in the morning and sets at night; that gravity causes object to fall to Earth, not rise into space; that 5 is larger than 3, etc.).  Someone who does not actually accept such basic, fundamental and irrefutable facts, is, in my estimation, not sane.
Of course, when Donald Trump asserts, as fact, certain matters that are irrefutably incorrect, it is possible that he does so as a calculated and knowing untruth — for whatever political or other purpose such lies are promulgated. That’s not uncommon among politicians, at all levels of government.  But I honestly believe that is not what is happening.  I maintain that Trump is not lying, because he does not know or even believe the things he says are untrue.  No, he truly believes they are true.  And that — the actual, subjective disconnect from reality — is what I define as not sane.
Once again, this is not a laughing matter.  It is not satire.  It is not political criticism or commentary.  It is deadly serious stuff:  The president of the United States is not sane.
I am far from alone in questioning the president’s emotional stability.
In a letter to the editor of The New York Times published recently, Dr. Lance Dodes, a retired assistant clinical professor of psychiatry at Harvard Medical School, and Dr. Joseph Schachter, a former chairman of the Committee on Research Proposals, International Psychoanalytic Association, stated explicitly that the president is suffering from “grave emotional instability.”  An additional 33 mental health professionals co-signed the letter.
Sen. Al Franken said on CNN recently that Republican colleagues of his in the Senate have confidentially stated that they “question the President’s mental health.”
I don’t know what we, the American people, are to do about this, but the first step to solving a problem is to acknowledge its existence and to fully understand its nature.
So what, exactly, are we talking about here?  Again, I have no training in psychology, so I must rely on reputable sources such as Drs. Dodes and Schachter to support my thesis.  Unfortunately, many psychiatrists feel constrained, by “the Goldwater rule,” from offering opinions concerning the possible mental conditions of public figures.  Some professionals, who are not subject to that rule, have opined that Trump suffers from a particular psychological condition, known as “narcissistic personality disorder.”
The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5), which is published by the American Psychiatric Association, is frequently used by professionals to diagnose mental conditions.
DSM-5 criteria for narcissistic personality disorder include these features:
  • Having an exaggerated sense of self-importance
  • Expecting to be recognized as superior even without achievements that warrant it
  • Exaggerating your achievements and talents
  • Being preoccupied with fantasies about success, power, brilliance, beauty or the perfect mate
  • Believing that you are superior and can only be understood by or associate with equally special people
  • Requiring constant admiration
  • Having a sense of entitlement
  • Expecting special favors and unquestioning compliance with your expectations
  • Taking advantage of others to get what you want
  • Having an inability or unwillingness to recognize the needs and feelings of others
  • Being envious of others and believing others envy you
  • Behaving in an arrogant or haughty manner
And here is how the Mayo Clinic’s website describes the condition (see if it strikes you as accurately describing Trump’s behavior):
“If you have narcissistic personality disorder, you may come across as conceited, boastful or pretentious. You often monopolize conversations. You may belittle or look down on people you perceive as inferior. You may feel a sense of entitlement — and when you don’t receive special treatment, you may become impatient or angry. You may insist on having “the best” of everything —  for instance, the best car, athletic club or medical care.
“At the same time, you have trouble handling anything that may be perceived as criticism. You may have secret feelings of insecurity, shame, vulnerability and humiliation. To feel better, you may react with rage or contempt and try to belittle the other person to make yourself appear superior. Or you may feel depressed and moody because you fall short of perfection.”
I am aware that certain critics claimed that President Barack Obama was a textbook example of narcissistic personality disorder.  And scholars at the Pew Research Center even ranked each of the presidents concerning their level of narcissism.  So, assigning serious and debilitating psychological conditions to presidents is nothing new.
However, as far as I am aware, no prior person who occupied our nation’s highest office has ever consistently and repeatedly made statements that are so unmistakably counterfactual, and, when challenged to authenticate or substantiate such statements, simply abided by his prior assertion without producing any “proof.”
I may be wrong, and I am certainly open to arguments refuting my thesis. But if I am correct, then it is vital that we, collectively, begin discussing, seriously and thoughtfully, where we go from here.
Dan Recht is a criminal defense and constitutional law attorney. He is a former chair of the ACLU of Colorado and former president of the Colorado Criminal Defense Bar.

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Trumpers: You bought the lies Big Polluters told you about de-regulation?
Goodbye Gulf fishing industry

Environmentalists are warning the Environmental Protection
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