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Showing posts with label Obstruction of Justice. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Obstruction of Justice. Show all posts

Wednesday, January 22, 2020

Fact check: Trump lawyers make at least three false claims during impeachment arguments





Know the facts. Educate others.
Let's not let lies just fester during this impeachment trial!!
CNN.COM
It's not true that Republicans weren't allowed into the closed-door hearings, that the Judiciary Committee denied Trump a lawyer, or that House Democrats took "33 days" to send the Senate the articles of impeachment.

Washington (CNN)President Donald Trump's legal team made at least three false claims during Senate impeachment proceedings on Tuesday, plus two more claims we'll call misleading.
We're still going through the transcript of the proceedings and will add to this list as necessary.

The closed-door hearings

Arguing that the House's impeachment inquiry was unfair to Trump, White House counsel Pat Cipollone complained about the closed-door House committee hearings at which witnesses were questioned in a room known as a Sensitive Compartmented Information Facility, or "SCIF."
    "Not even Mr. Schiff's Republican colleagues were allowed into the SCIF," Cipollone said, referring to House Intelligence Committee chairman Rep. Adam Schiff, who is also the Democrats' lead impeachment manager.
    Facts FirstThis is false. As Schiff noted in his response to Cipollone, the 48 Republican members of the three committees holding the closed-door hearings -- Intelligence, Foreign Affairs and Oversight -- were allowed into the SCIF, and they were given equal time to question witnesses.
    Cipollone might have been referring to an October stunt in which Republicans who were not members of any of the three committees, along with some Republicans who were members, stormed the room to make a political point; the non-members were not allowed to be there, and they eventually left after causing a delay. But the Republicans who were members were allowed to be full participants in the proceedings.
    Schiff said he would not suggest "Mr. Cipollone would deliberately make a false statement," but he said, "I will tell you this: He's mistaken. He's mistaken." He added that Republicans were not only allowed in but "more than that: they got the same time we did."

    The articles of impeachment

    Cipollone claimed that Democrats withheld the articles of impeachment for more than a month. "They held these articles for 33 days," he said. Trump lawyers Patrick Philbin and Jay Sekulow used the same "33 days" figure -- Sekulow repeatedly.
    "Thirty-three days -- 33 days, they held onto those impeachment articles -- 33 days. It was such a rush of national security that -- impeach this president before Christmas that they then held them for 33 days," Sekulow said.
    Facts FirstWhile House Democrats did wait before they transmitted the articles of impeachment, they took 28 days, not 33. The House voted to impeach Trump on December 18, Democrats sent over the articles on January 15.

    The House Judiciary Committee

    Sekulow alleged that Trump's constitutional rights were violated by the House Judiciary Committee.
    "During the proceedings that took place before the Judiciary Committee, the President was denied the right to cross-examine witnesses, the President was denied the right to access evidence, and the President was denied the right to have counsel present at hearings," he said.
    Facts FirstThis is false. The chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, Rep. Jerry Nadler, formally invited Trump to have a lawyer participate in the proceedings in that committee -- but Cipollone declined the offer, saying in a letter to Nadler that "an invitation to an academic discussion with law professors does not begin to provide the President with any semblance of a fair process."
    Regardless, Sekulow was wrong when he continued that not having the President's lawyer question witnesses in a House impeachment hearing "violates the Constitution of the United States."
    Sekulow might perhaps have made an inadvertent error when he named the Judiciary Committee. Trump was indeed denied the right to have his own counsel participate in the preceding House Intelligence Committee hearings, during which the fact witnesses testified. (A lawyer for House Republicans, Steve Castor, was permitted to question witnesses at the House Intelligence Committee.)
    The constitutional rights of criminal defendants, such as the right to have the assistance of counsel and to call and confront witnesses, do not apply to the subjects of House proceedings. The Sixth Amendment, which grants these rights to criminal defendants, begins, "In all criminal prosecutions..."

    The timing of the military aid to Ukraine

    Cipollone said that the military aid to Ukraine was still delivered "on time": "Only in Washington would someone say that it's wrong when you don't spend taxpayer dollars fast enough, even if you spend them on time."
    Facts FirstIt's not true that the entire aid package to Ukraine was "on time." While Trump did lift his freeze on the aid on September 11, more than two weeks before a September 30 legal deadline, the delay caused by Trump's freeze meant that $35 million of the aid could not make it out the door fast enough to meet the deadline, according to impeachment testimony from Mark Sandy, deputy associate director for national security in the Office of Management and Budget.
    To deal with this problem, Congress had to pass an extension of the deadline. "Had that provision not been included, then any unobligated funds as of September 30th would have expired," Sandy testified.
    The Government Accountability Office, a nonpartisan watchdog agency that works for Congress, concluded that the aid freeze broke a law, the Impoundment Control Act.

    The Zelensky call and the aid

    Michael Purpura, deputy White House counsel, said of Trump's July phone call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky: "There was no quid pro quo for anything. Security assistance funds aren't even mentioned on the call."
    Facts FirstThis is misleading. The rough transcript shows that while Zelensky did not bring up the security assistance funds in particular, he did raise Ukraine's desire to buy more Javelin anti-tank missiles -- which were not part of the delayed security assistance package on which the impeachment proceedings have been centered, but were clearly important to Ukraine.
    Trump immediately responded, "I would like you to do us a favor though," then asked Zelensky to look into a debunked conspiracy theory about Democratic computer servers. Later in the call, Trump asked Zelensky to look into the Bidens.
    In October, Trump's State Department announced that it had approved the possible sale of 150 Javelins, worth $39 million, to Ukraine.

    Mueller and obstruction

    Sekulow said: "And then we had the invocation of the ghost of the Mueller Report, I know something about that report -- it came up empty on the issue of collusion with Russia. There was no obstruction, in fact, the Mueller Report, to the contrary of what these managers say today -- came to the exact opposite conclusions of what they say."
    Facts FirstSekulow's wording was too vague for us to declare his claim false, but special counsel Robert Mueller's report on the Trump campaign's relationship with Russia did not come to a conclusion of "no obstruction," nor did it say "the opposite" of Democrats' claims that Trump did commit obstruction.
    Mueller laid out multiple instances in which Trump may have committed obstruction, but he explained that he would abide by a Justice Department policy that holds that a sitting president cannot be indicted.
      The report said: "...If we had confidence after a thorough investigation of the facts that the President clearly did not commit obstruction of justice, we would so state. Based on the facts and the applicable legal standards, we are unable to reach that judgment. Accordingly, while this report does not conclude that the President committed a crime, it also does not exonerate him."
      Attorney General William Barr then determined that the evidence laid out by Mueller was "not sufficient to establish that the President committed an obstruction-of-justice offense."








      FOCUS: Jeffrey Toobin | How Donald Trump's Unlikely Legal Team Will Try to Defend Him





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      FOCUS: Jeffrey Toobin | How Donald Trump's Unlikely Legal Team Will Try to Defend Him
      Kenneth Starr (left) and Alan Dershowitz (right). (photo: Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call/AP/Richard Drew)
      Jeffrey Toobin, The New Yorker
      Toobin writes: "President Trump's insight into what captivates the American people, and what draws the attention of the news media, remains remarkable. Consider, for example, how he cast - that seems the right word - the defense team for his impeachment trial, which begins Tuesday, in the United States Senate."

       There are not many legal celebrities in the United States, but Trump now has two of them: Kenneth Starr, the erstwhile pursuer of Hillary and Bill Clinton as the independent counsel during the Whitewater (and more) matter, and Alan Dershowitz, defender of O.J. Simpson, other famous clients, and, lately, his own conduct. How can we not wonder how Starr, who inveighed against what he called the dishonesty of the Clintons, will contrive to defend this President? What will Dershowitz, a onetime liberal and a civil libertarian, say about his new client, who is openly hostile to the values enshrined in the Bill of Rights? And how did Trump manage to find not one but two famous lawyers who had previously joined forces to defend Jeffrey Epstein, who was a friend of Trump’s?
      Five of the President’s eight lawyers have appeared frequently on Fox News, and they’ve been hired to put on an entertaining show for the Senate. (Pat Cipollone, the White House counsel, Jane Raskin, a member of Trump’s legal defense team, and Eric Herschmann are the exceptions.) But the showmanship that’s likely to be on display should not obscure what’s really going on here. The outcome of the trial is not in doubt; there is no way that sixty-seven senators will vote to remove Trump from office. But there is a real question about whether the trial will involve any fact-finding—that is, the presentation of witnesses and new documentary evidence. Trump’s real priority, and that of the Republican leadership in the Senate, is to make sure that never happens.
      Dershowitz is likely to be the crucial figure on the Senate floor. He is currently trying to portray himself as more of a neutral constitutional expert, rather than as a full-fledged member of Trump’s defense team. That semantic dodge is meant to elevate his core argument: that the two articles of impeachment, even if they accurately describe the President’s conduct, are not impeachable offenses. It’s worth addressing that argument, because it’s likely to be crucial to the Senate trial, not just on the merits but on the issue of whether the seven House managers named by Nancy Pelosi last week will be allowed to call witnesses.
      The first article charges Trump with abuse of his constitutional powers, through his dealings with the government of Ukraine. The claim is a familiar one by now. Trump withheld congressionally authorized funds, and also personal Presidential attention, from Ukraine in an effort to force the announcement of an investigation of former Vice-President Joe Biden, Trump’s putative 2020 opponent, and Biden’s son Hunter. The second article charges Trump with obstructing Congress, by refusing all demands for witnesses and documents in the Ukraine investigation. Dershowitz says, and all of Trump’s lawyers will argue, that neither article charges conduct that is a high crime and misdemeanor, the standard for impeachment established in the Constitution.
      Dershowitz does not say exactly that a President must commit a crime—an actual criminal offense—to commit a high crime and misdemeanor, but that’s what his position comes down to in the real world. He is worried, rightly, about Congress trying to evict a President simply because of policy differences. But neither of the articles refers to any good-faith dispute over Trump’s performance in office. Rather, both charge core violations of Presidential duties. What Dershowitz’s position misses is that impeachment is designed specifically to police Presidential conduct—to make sure that a President does not abuse the powers which that office alone possesses under our system of governance. This is why Bill Clinton’s conduct should not have been impeachable. Lying under oath about his relationship with Monica Lewinsky was likely a crime—perjury—but it was not an abuse of Presidential power, and thus not a high crime and misdemeanor.
      What makes Dershowitz’s argument so important in the context of Trump’s case is that it gives Republican senators an excuse to vote against witnesses. If his view is adopted, it means that Republicans can accept the truth of factual assertions from the House managers, for the sake of argument, and still vote to exclude new witnesses. By this reasoning, the witnesses would not offer anything of value because they would only testify to conduct that is not impeachable, anyway. That’s the real point, and the real danger, of Dershowitz’s argument; it gives Republicans cover to cut short the Senate trial.
      Trump and his followers (and his enablers, such as Dershowitz) surely recognize that the facts in this case will show how much the President abused his power through his dealings with Ukraine. (The Government Accountability Office just added to those facts by finding that the withholding of funds for Ukraine was illegal.) If the House managers are allowed to call witnesses, those witnesses will likely make the case against Trump even stronger. At some level, the President’s defenders must know that Trump’s conduct is impeachable. That’s why Trump has taken every opportunity to block the facts from coming out. On Tuesday, the President’s lawyers reveal their true agenda: to persuade the Senate to preserve Trump’s incriminating secrets.
      READ MORE







      Thursday, December 19, 2019

      FOCUS: Mehdi Hasan | The A to Z of Things Trump Could and Should Have Been Impeached For




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      FOCUS: Mehdi Hasan | The A to Z of Things Trump Could and Should Have Been Impeached For
      Jennifer Nellans of Des Moines holds a sign reading Impeach Now during an impeachment rally outside of the Iowa state capitol building in Des Moines, Iowa, on Tuesday, Dec. 17, 2019. (photo: Bryon Houlgrave/The Des Moines Register)
      Mehdi Hasan, The Intercept
      Hasan writes: "It was a major moment in this car crash of a presidency - and a major achievement for House Democrats. Still, I couldn't help but be disappointed that there were only two articles of impeachment passed against this president. Two? That's it?"

      urrah! On Wednesday evening, Donald Trump became only the third president of the United States to be impeached. The House of Representatives voted 230-197 to charge Trump with abuse of power and 229-198 to charge him with obstruction of Congress.
      It was a major moment in this car crash of a presidency — and a major achievement for House Democrats. Still, I couldn’t help but be disappointed that there were only two articles of impeachment passed against this president. Two? That’s it? Why were other Trumpian offenses not included? For context, it’s worth recalling that there were a whopping 11 articles of impeachment passed against Andrew Johnson in 1868. With Richard Nixon in 1974, the House Judiciary Committee considered five articles of impeachment, before passing three of them. With Bill Clinton in 1998, the House of Representatives voted on four articles and approved two of them.
      Are we expected to believe that House Democrats really think Trump has only committed two impeachable offenses? Even the president himself seems to have been caught off guard by the Democrats’ very narrow approach to impeachment. “Frankly, I think he’s a little surprised it’s the Ukraine thing that’s done it,” a White House official told CNN.
      The harsh reality, of course, is that Trump commits impeachable offenses on nearly a weekly basis. So here is an A to Z of such offenses — by issue and/or by crime — that were inexplicably overlooked or ignored by the House of Representatives.
      AMAZON
      Trump has personally and repeatedly instructed the Postmaster General to double shipping rates for Amazon, in an attempt to inflict billions of dollars of new costs on founder and CEO Jeff Bezos, who also owns The Washington Post. “Some administration officials,” reported the Post in May 2018, “say several of Trump’s attacks aimed at Amazon have come in response to articles in The Post that he didn’t like.”
      BIGOTRY
      This is a president who has referred to African countries as “shitholes;” to Mexicans as “rapists;” to neo-Nazis as “very fine people.” To be clear: bigotry, racism, and white nationalism are impeachable offenses. Ask Andrew Johnson.
      CNN
      In the summer of 2017, Trump personally intervened to try and block a merger between AT&T and Time Warner — in order to try and punish CNN, which is owned by Time Warner, for its unfavorable coverage of him. Per the New Yorker, Trump told aides: “I’ve been telling [then National Economic Council director Gary] Cohn to get this lawsuit filed and nothing’s happened! I’ve mentioned it fifty times. And nothing’s happened. I want to make sure it’s filed. I want that deal blocked!”
      DEATHS
      Over the past 12 months, six migrant children aged between 2 and 16 — five from Guatemala and one from El Salvador — have died in federal custody. Over the previous ten years, not a single migrant child died in custody. Is this not impeachable? It gets worse: as BuzzFeed News reported recently, “immigrants held in Immigration and Customs Enforcement jails around the US received medical care so bad it resulted in two preventable surgeries … and contributed to four deaths.”
      EMOLUMENTS
      From pitching his struggling Doral resort as a venue for the next G7 summit, to making more than 400 lucrative visits to his own properties and businesses, to having Saudi royals bail out his under-performing hotels, Trump has been violating both the domestic and foreign emolument clauses of the Constitution from day one of his money-making presidency. His response to such criticisms? “You people with this phony emoluments clause.”
      FRAUD
      The president of the United States is a fraudster. Don’t take my word for it. In November 2016, less than two weeks after he was elected, Trump settled three different fraud lawsuits related to his Trump University for $25 million. Earlier this month, as the New York Attorney General Letitia James formally announced, the president was “forced to pay $2 million for misusing charitable funds for his own political gain” and his Trump Foundation was “shut down for its misconduct.” Trump isn’t fit to run a university or a charity, so how is he fit to run the country?
      GENERAL SERVICES ADMINISTRATION
      As the New York Times reported in October 2018, the General Services Administration, which manages real estate for the federal government, had planned to turn the FBI’s headquarters in Washington, D.C. “over to a commercial developer” — until, that is, the president intervened to veto the sale. As a group of Democratic lawmakers pointed out, Trump was “‘dead opposed’ to the government selling the property, which would have allowed commercial developers to compete directly with the Trump Hotel” only a block away.  Is this not worthy of further investigation and, possibly, impeachment?
      HUSH MONEY
      We know that Trump’s former lawyer and fixer Michael Cohen, who is serving a three-year prison sentence for campaign finance violations, tax fraud, and bank fraud, made illegal hush money payments to two women — Stormy Daniels and Karen McDougal — who claimed to have had affairs with Trump. We also know, thanks to federal prosecutors, that Cohen “acted in coordination and at the direction of” the president himself. How is this brazen violation of campaign finance laws not an impeachable offense?
      INCITEMENT OF VIOLENCE
      The president is a threat to law and order. As New York magazine’s Jonathan Chait has observed: “On at least eight occasions, he has encouraged his supporters — including members of the armed forces — to attack his political opponents.” In addition, a bevy of domestic terrorists arrested since 2016 have cited either Trump’s name, his inflammatory rhetoric, or both.
      JARED
      Trump demanded that his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, be granted a security clearance, despite objections from intelligence officials who warned that Kushner could be compromised by his business ties to foreign governments. The president may have the right to give anyone a security clearance and yet, as House Judiciary Committee chair Jerrold Nadler explained in March, “You can do things that are within your power that are abuses of power and that are crimes.”
      KIDS IN CAGES
      The Trump administration, as a matter of policy, separated more than 5,400 children — including babies and toddlers — from their migrant parents at the Mexico border. Hundreds of those kids were locked up in cages. This was a clear violation of international law, and experts with the UN’s Human Rights Council also said the policy may have amounted to “torture.”
      LIES, LIES, AND LIES
      Trump has told more than 15,000 falsehoods since coming to office. To quote presidential historian Douglas Brinkley: “There is no president that lied as if they were a form of breathing, except Donald Trump.” But lying isn’t an impeachable offense, right? Wrong. The very first article of impeachment against Nixon accused him of “making or causing to be made false or misleading public statements for the purpose of deceiving the people of the United States.”
      MEDIA ATTACKS
      Trump, as even Fox News host Chris Wallace observed last week, “is engaged in the most direct, sustained assault on freedom of the press in our history.” The president has asked the FBI to jail reporters who publish leaks, has threatened to revoke the broadcast licenses of media organizations that criticize him, and relentlessly attacked and demonized journalists as “scum,” “slime,” “sick people,” “fake news,” and “the enemy of the people.” Members of the press have received death threats from people echoing the president’s vile language.
      NEGLIGENCE
      Local officials in Puerto Rico have blamed presidential negligence and incompetence for the deaths of nearly 3,000 people in Puerto Rico, in the wake of Hurricane Maria in 2017. Trump’s response? He falsely claimed that 3,000 Americans didn’t die. He also tried to “illegally withhold” much-needed and congressionally appropriated disaster relief money. According to the Washington Post, Trump told White House officials that “he did not want a single dollar going to Puerto Rico… Instead, he wanted more of the money to go to Texas and Florida.”
      OBSTRUCTION OF JUSTICE
      Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation of Russian interference in the 2016 election identified 10 instances of possible obstruction of justice by the president. More than 1,000 former federal prosecutors agreed that Trump’s conduct, had he been a private citizen, would have resulted “in multiple felony charges for obstruction of justice.”
      PERJURY
      We know Trump lies all the time — but how about the lies he tells under oath? The president told the Mueller inquiry: “I do not recall discussing WikiLeaks with [former adviser Roger Stone], nor do I recall being aware of Mr. Stone having discussed WikiLeaks with individuals associated with my campaign.” In November, however, his former deputy campaign manager, Rick Gates, said in court that Trump had been aware in advance of Wikileaks disclosures in 2016, based on his conversations with Stone. The response of conservative lawyer George Conway, husband of Kellyanne? “Perjury.”
      QANON
      You’ve heard of QAnon, right? The batshit crazy group of online conspiracy theorists obsessed with a Deep State plot against Trump? The president has retweeted QAnon supporters on multiple occasions; invited them to speak at his rallies; and hosted them at the White House. Why does this matter? The FBI has warned that QAnon will “very likely” drive extremists “to carry out criminal or violent acts.” So how is it okay for the president to endorse or promote such a dangerous group?
      RAPE
      Trump has not only been accused of sexual assault and harassment by dozens of women but, in June, the writer E. Jean Carroll also accused him of raping her in the dressing room of a luxury department store. “I haven’t paid much attention,” House Speaker Nancy Pelosi told reporters, when asked to comment on Carroll’s shocking claim. But why not? Shouldn’t rape be an impeachable offense? “I wish there had been a third Article of Impeachment against Donald Trump,” Carroll tweeted last week. “The Abuse Of Women.”
      SYRIA
      Less than three months after entering office, in April 2017, Trump launched airstrikes against Syria, without a vote in Congress. Democratic Congressman Ted Lieu, a former attorney in the Judge Advocate General Corps of the U.S. Air Force, called the strikes “FRICKIN ILLEGAL.” And remember: as former Deputy National Security Advisor Ben Rhodes has acknowledged, the lack of congressional authorization, and threat of impeachment from House Republicans, “was a factor” in the controversial decision by the Obama administration not to bomb Syria in 2013.
      TAX EVASION
      In October 2018, a blockbuster 13,000-word investigation by the New York Times found that Trump “received at least $413 million in today’s dollars from his father’s real estate empire, much of it through tax dodges in the 1990s.” What kind of dodges? “He and his siblings set up a sham corporation to disguise millions of dollars in gifts from their parents.… Records indicate that Mr. Trump helped his father take improper tax deductions worth millions more.”
      ULTRA VIRES
      Remember how Trump declared a fake “national emergency” in February, to circumvent Congress and fund his border wall? Well, Trump himself bluntly admitted that there was no emergency or even urgency: “I didn’t need to do this. But I’d rather do it much faster.” His critics, therefore, argue that the president acted “ultra vires” — a Latin phrase meaning “beyond the powers.” 
      VLADIMIR
      The Mueller report may have ruled out a criminal conspiracy between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin, but we know that Trump welcomed Russian help during the 2016 campaign and later suggested he wasn’t bothered by Moscow’s interference in the election. We also know that Trump handed over classified intel to the Russians in the Oval Office. As Harvard law professor and former Bush administration official Jack Goldsmith co-wrote, “Questions of criminality aside…. If the President gave this information away through carelessness or neglect, he has arguably breached his oath of office” and there is “thus no reason why Congress couldn’t consider a grotesque violation of the President’s oath as a standalone basis for impeachment.”
      WITNESS INTIMIDATION
      In January, Michael Cohen announced he was postponing his public congressional testimony because of “ongoing threats against his family” from the president and his attorney Rudy Giuliani. In November, Trump attacked former U.S. ambassador to Ukraine Marie Yovanovitch as she was testifying in front of the House Intelligence Committee, prompting committee chair Adam Schiff to accuse the president of “witness intimidation in real time.” This is the behavior not of a president but of a mob boss.
      XI
      Why is there no mention of the Chinese president Xi Jinping in either of the two articles of impeachment? Why only the Ukrainian president? If the Democrats’ argument is that involving foreign governments in U.S. elections is an impeachable offense, as well as a threat to national security, then why stop at Ukraine? What about China? Listen to the president himself, speaking to reporters outside the White House in October: “China should start an investigation into the Bidens, because what happened in China is just about as bad as what happened with Ukraine.”
      YEMEN
      In Syria, Trump dropped bombs without congressional approval. In Yemen, the scene of the world’s worst humanitarian crisis, Trump has helped Saudi Arabia to continue to drop bombs despite explicit opposition from both chambers of Congress. As an analyst in the Guardian argued, Trump’s decision to veto a bipartisan bill calling for an end to U.S. military involvement in the Saudi air war amounted to “flagrant defiance of the 1973 War Powers Act that checks a president’s ability to engage in armed conflict without express consent of Congress.”
      ZELENSKY
      The president of the United States didn’t just abuse his power in attempting to pressure the president of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelensky, to investigate Joe and Hunter Biden; he tried to bribe him. Pelosi accused Trump of bribery and so too did the House Democrats’ 169-page impeachment report. Yet, as Vox noted, “when Democrats actually unveiled their articles of impeachment last week, bribery was MIA.” Why?